While it is impossible to make clean definitions of what it means to be a member of the Progressive, Blue Dog, and New Democrat caucuses, a rough explanation would be the following:
Progressive Caucus members tend to serve in very safe, urban seats with a high concentration of poor people (but, often a decent amount of people that work in the banking and financial services industries, as well).
New Democrat Caucus members tend to serve in mildly competitive-to-competitive suburban seats, often with a high percentage of people that work in the banking and financial services industries.
Blue Dog Caucus members tend to serve in exurban or rural areas that are highly competitive and also have an overall culturally Southern lean.
You will see some hybrids, here and there, like northern suburban Blue Dog Rep. Patrick Murphy or rural, populist Progressive Dave Loebsack. These hybrid representative’s voting records generally reflect their unusual position within their caucuses.
Each of these caucuses has a governing ideology, but they can also be influenced by the relative competitiveness of their seats. Progressives are at little risk of being voted out of office no matter how they vote, but they can face primary challenges if they are perceived as selling out to corporate or right-wing interests (see Al Wynn of Maryland). Blue Dogs are constantly looking over their shoulder at Republican challengers that can paint them as pandering to Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco values, or being soft on national defense/terrorism, or being in the pocket of Northern banking interests (see Nick Lampson of Texas).
As a result, regardless of ideology, Blue Dogs are much more likely to vote like Republicans, especially on ‘free’ votes, while Progressives feel pressure to vote against them. These power dynamics are the best indicators of how individual members will vote.
When it comes to bailout politics, you can see these dynamics at play. As the bailout has moved from vote-to-vote, the Blue Dogs have become less and less supportive while the Progressives have become more and more supportive. Why?
The first two bailout votes were requested by the Bush White House and the last one by the incoming Obama administration. In addition, Obama lobbied in favor of the second bailout vote. To some degree, then, Progressives became more supportive once they realized that Obama supported the bailout and even more supportive when the money being authorized was going to be managed by an Obama administration and not a Bush administration.
The Blue Dogs were initially supportive of the bailout, but became less so as time went along, and now oppose it. One additional explanatory factor is that the third bailout vote was purely symbolic. It was a true ‘free’ vote because the money for the bailout was released when the Senate refused to rescind it. Voting against the release of funds in the House then became an empty gesture. Since the bailout is politically unpopular, the most at-risk members opted to vote against it.
With all these swirling and shifting motivations, it’s very hard to tell what voting members really feel about the issue. Do Progressives overwhelmingly support the bailout because they think it is good policy or because they are safe enough to vote for it and they want to do the president’s bidding? Do Blue Dogs secretly support the bailout? Despite overwhelmingly opposing it, are the Blue Dogs merely voting out of fear?
We could argue about these things all day long. But here is what we know.
Appropriating hundreds of billions of dollars to shore up failing banks, insurance companies, and financial services companies is an incredibly unpopular thing to do. Especially in an context of lax oversight and enormous waste, the Bailout is easy to criticize and even to demagogue. Members that vote for the Bailout are not expecting to be politically rewarded for it (although financial benefits are another matter). Those that can avoid voting for the Bailout will do so, even if they see it as necessary.
What’s clear is that Progressives are more inclined to support the Bailout now that President Obama will be in control of the money, while Blue Dogs are less inclined to support it (especially on a free vote) not that it is clear how unpopular the Bailout is and now that it is not President Bush requesting the money.
At this point, the Progressives are the most supportive caucus in Congress and the Blue Dogs are the least supportive among Democrats.
My analysis here treats politicians as if they have no opinion on the merits. That might be accurate in the aggregate, but individual members can and do base their votes strictly on their opinion of what is good policy. There are Blue Dogs that have voted for the Bailout (even on a free vote) because they think it is the right thing to do, and there are Progressives that have voted against the Bailout even though they need not fear voting for it.
What is inescapable, though, is that there is no consensus whatsoever in the Progressive Caucus against the Bailout. Over 76% of the caucus voted to release the second tranche. Only 38% of Blue Dogs chose to do so. The statistics offer no cover for the claim that the ‘Progressive’ position is in opposition to the Bailout, but they do offer support for the opposite case.
Some people feel that it is instinctively progressive to oppose bailing out banks and Wall Street fatcats and rich shareholders with money that might otherwise be spent on education, health care, and alleviating poverty. But it is not that simple. It is also progressive to look at all the facts and determine what course will ultimately protect your constituents from job loss, health care loss, and loss of financial security. It’s progressive to prop up the financial sector if letting it fail will devastate the poor and middle class people in your district.
And that is ultimately what this argument is all about. In my opinion, failure to pass the original bailout package (despite its glaring and obvious faults) would have caused absolute economic devastation that would have hurt people on the economic margins the worst. People that think things were not so dire think we could have waited until a new Congress was sworn in and crafted a better bill. Or they think that we could have negotiated a better deal. Or they think they whole thing is a fake crisis and a phony scam to steal money from the poor and give it to the rich.
I’m appalled at the behavior and condition of the financial sector, but I believe that we cannot allow the total simultaneous collapse of the global finance system and think it is going to protect ordinary people. We have to protect jobs and we have to find a way to keep money available for wealth creation or we’ll have gigantic unemployment and a downward spiral that will make the road to economic recovery longer and harder than it had to be. My support of a shitty bailout is based firmly in my progressive values. And, based on their voting record, most elected progressives agree with me.
I respect the opposing view, but I object to the idea that opposition to the Bailout is the ‘progressive’ position and that support is the DLC-corporatist position. It’s simply disrespectful and inaccurate to make that argument.
OpenLeft, for example, has been consistently hostile to Obama since the early primaries in a way that makes no political sense and rests on several counterfactuals – e.g. that Obama and his supporters are naive fools who don’t get that the Right will try to sabotage any reform.
Criticisms from that group are often purely stylistic. The characteristic critique is a finger wagging admonition to be more critical of Conservative ideology or to embrace some odd definition of progressive ideology that is not motivated by any concrete issues of e.g. labor unions or women in the workplace or environment, but appears entirely symbolic.
Excellent analysis.
Part of the problem with the bailout is that Dems probably could have gotten a significantly better version of the original bill, but panicked instead. This left a legacy of distrust on the left for ANY bailout proposal. It’s the kind of thing that’s hard to repair once the deed is done.
Plus, the economic crisis does provide an opportunity to fix deep systemic defects that caused the meltdown in the first place. If Obama’s proposals move toward doing that, his vaunted communication skills are not in evidence at the moment.
I’ve reluctantly supported the various bailouts but, any new bill that includes tax cuts for anyone making more than around $50K a year may finally prove too big a pill to swallow. This “reaching out” shit threatens to grow truly toxic.
first let me say that I get your point about progressives and the bailout, and how urban progressives represent both poor people and financial jobs.
but since you had the nerve to offer definitions, I’d like to nitpick them. I’m in California, where it seems like we have an awful lot of weird hybrids.
First, personality has plenty to do with it. Most bay area congressmembers are Progressives. My rep (Anna Eshoo) doesn’t join any of those 3 caucuses, nor does Zoe Lofgren, but there’s no difference between their districts and the neighboring districts with Progressive reps; just as safe and suburban. Different personal backgrounds matter; unaligned Zoe Lofgren is a silicon valley corpocrat; progressive Mike Honda has a labor background.
This fits SoCal pretty well, but of 6 NorCal Progressives only Barbara Lee’s district is truly urban.
You’ve nailed the two central valley blue dogs (Costa, Cardoza), Thompson’s CA-1 is rural but much less culturally southern.
But the Blue Dogs have two distinct factions; the fiscal conservatives and the Scoop Jackson warmongers. Your definition gets the first half not the second.
Examples: the three Los Angeles blue dogs (Schiff, Harman, Loretta Sanchez). For them it’s all about the military-industrial complex. Note that these 3 and a lot of other blue dogs are also “new democrats”. Sanchez’s OC seat is competitive but those other 2 are as safe as Maxine Waters. [unless Harman gets primaried from the left again].
to summarize: in similar safe, white, rich, suburban districts, the difference between a progressive and a blue dog is: aerospace factories in their district.
I agree with that.
if i am being totally honest, there is a major part of me that is definitely opposed to the additional 350 being spent. i have watched the banking industry gobble the first 350 up and have yet to see any noticible part being spent to reduce the mortgage insanity. however, i have to believe that the O man is going to act as the enforcer and make sure that the banking thieves spend the funds to reduce the foreclosure nightmare. what i do vehemently demand is that we all make it our business to closely follow the performance of the banks and to call the O man if his promises appear to be not being kept!
this is our responsibility and if we fail to keep up our end of the bargain, then we are heading straight for 1929 all over again.
in addition, i have to say that the concept of “reaching out” to the opposition is clearly becoming absurd and given the tenor of the times, a giant waste of time and effort. as the o man is credited with saying to that obstructionist kantor, “I won!”
Again, if “progressive” indicates a set of ideas, rather than merely a tribal alliance, whether the bill if progressive has to be determined based on the content. Who votes for it is simply not a consideration.
It is also useful to look at the alternatives. Initially, the progressives argued that the second half of the bailout should have more enforceable oversight. Given that the bankers treated the first half as a personal gift, it is hard to see any basis, other than express kleptocracy, for objecting to this. But Obama did object. Loudly. He threatened to veto any additional oversight in the bailout. Obama’s position, then, is the same as Bush and Paulson: you have no choice but to trust me. And he has forced the bailout to come to him without strings. The progressives went along, because they saw it as counterproductive to pick a symbolic fight with Obama at this juncture: better to maintain the unity and hope for the best. Even if Obama is well intentioned, his position here has no place in a democratic society. And Obama has appointed Tim Geithner, who has been majorly involved in both the first part of TARP and in the massive Fed giveaways, to head all this. Why should such a move inspire trust?
You wrote:
“It is also progressive to look at all the facts and determine what course will ultimately protect your constituents from job loss, health care loss, and loss of financial security. It’s progressive to prop up the financial sector if letting it fail will devastate the poor and middle class people in your district.”
It is, of course, impossible to look at all or even the most important of the facts because they are not public knowledge. Where did the first 350 billion go? What has the Fed put on its balance sheet for 4 trillion? Geithner was at the Fed when this started, and in the relevant juridiction (New York) – did he agree to this? Will he tell us what is going on? The crisis itself is also opaque – who are the creditors at the other end of the default swaps? Did rating agencies give positive ratings to both sides of synthetic bonds? When there are almost no facts publicly available, claiming a fact-based analysis is ridiculous.
It seems your basic position, booman, is that you trust Obama implicitly. Absent such implicit trust, I don’t see how one can defend the threatened veto, and even with it, one should object to it on principle. Not all of us share this trust, see what basis you have for it, and even think such trust is healthy in a democratic society. If we believed in the benevolence of rulers, we would not need democracy.
Does Obama have any leverage with the banks? I mean they are the ones who f@cked up royally, now they come with hat in hand. Under those circumstances, you’d think he should have some leverage and apply it.
But if he doesn’t, then the banks, even with the utter discrediting of their authority, are extorting the whole country.
I feel the same way as you do. I don’t want the bailout, I really didn;’t want the last one, but if Obama can impose conditions that will do the country some good… Does that even make any sense?
I think your analysis is fineas far as it goes, Boo, but I’m sure there’s a lot more to this. Not that I know what it is.
I’ve always sensed, contrary to what a lot of people think, that Obama has a spine of steel behind that kumbaya exterior. He’s going to need it.
I’m OK with government intervention/bailouts, but I’m not sure that it’s being undertaken with enough controls. I’m worried that the same incompetent fools and criminals who got us into this mess are still in positions of power and influence, and the rules haven’t changed all that much. Seems to me that what is going on is that we’re throwing hundreds of billions at the problem and hoping that we’ll somehow get better results.
Actually, they’re bailing water out of ship and trying to buy time for the rescuers to show up before the whole things sinks to the bottom of the sea.
Except, of course, that the supposed rescuers are here, and are the same clowns who got us into this mess.
In one of Bowers posts, it was pointed out that he was verging onto territory of “progressiveness can never fail it can only be failed” with his explanations of what is “progressive.”