It’s fascinating to see how Republicans talk to each other about health care. Over at the National Review, Jonah Goldberg tip-toes towards political reality, but always by jingling enough right-wing lunacy around to try to scare off the bears.
Here’s how he tries to inoculate himself against what he knows will be a fiery pushback from his conservative audience:
I’m just thinking out loud here. But it seems to me this is one of those moments in American politics where no one can simply say what they really think or want.
So, whatever the distinctions between rhetoric and reality might be on the right, it’s really no different from what the Democrats are doing, too. And what are the Democrats doing?
Meanwhile, the Democrats know that Obamacare has been a huge albatross for their party and understand that the best thing that could happen for them is if the Republicans agreed to keep Obamacare in name (i.e., abandon the rhetoric of “repeal”) but do whatever is necessary to make the thing work. But the GOP is doing the opposite. It’s largely keeping Obamacare in terms of policy (at least the really popular parts) but rhetorically its claiming to destroy Obamacare utterly. So, both the Democrats and the Republicans end up claiming this is a repeal of Obamacare when it’s not. It’s all a war for the best spin, not the best policy.
Of course, this isn’t even half true. While the Democrats would welcome a constructive effort to shore up the Affordable Care Act, they are actually protesting a bill that would undo all the gains in coverage that Obamacare created. And I mean that quite literally.
But Goldberg is really aiming to make a different point.
In different times, a Republican president might have come in and, like Eisenhower did with the New Deal, say, “We’re not going to throw away all that stuff, but we are going to fix it and shave the rough edges off.” A mend-it-don’t-end-it rhetorical approach to Obamacare would win over enough Democrats and moderate Republicans to pass a serious (albeit way-too-statist for me) health-care bill that gave Obama credit while reworking the whole thing.
Of course, that’s precisely what I’ve been saying from the get-go. Goldberg is saying the same thing because it’s obviously true and would make much more sense for a president who campaigned, as Goldberg notes, “vowing not to touch Medicaid.”
But Goldberg knows that he’s putting all his conservative credentials at risk by suggesting that Trump should have worked with the Democrats on health care, so he has to finish up by basically disavowing his entire point:
I’m not saying that alternative universe would be better. For instance, I wish Eisenhower had been more hostile to the New Deal. But I do think it’s an interesting example of how rhetoric and the logic of tribalism is driving the debate far more than policy is.
I think it’s pretty lazy to write something as vague as “I wish Eisenhower had been more hostile to the New Deal” while basically praising him for doing something sensible that could work both in practice and as a political matter. But I don’t expect anything more than this from a guy like Johah Goldberg.
As for the Republicans’ refusal to say what they mean and mean what they say, Goldberg is fairly honest:
As Yuval [Levin] noted yesterday, big chunks of the GOP-controlled Congress just don’t want to deal with health care or repeal Obamacare. As both the House and Senate legislation demonstrate, they’d rather tinker with it than tear it down. But they can’t say that.
And he has a lot of Trump supporters pegged, too.
So, in policy terms, the voters who believed Trump when he said he wouldn’t touch Medicaid are getting screwed, but it seems many of them — or their anointed representatives in right-wing media — don’t care, because they too want Trump to have a big political win more than a much more difficult policy win (and for the Democrats to have a big political loss).
It must be exhausting to try to tell the truth to the conservative base. You have to make so many caveats and create so many false equivalences just to gather the courage to open your mouth, and when you’re done you feel the need to disavow the implications of everything you’ve just said.
Mend-it, don’t end-it supposes an outcome based outlook on things. Their base is nihilist. That said, I like your idea of tinkering with things in something like a bipartisan fashion, then letting both sides spin it as a win.
Ultimately, though, this bill isn’t only about ‘health care’. It’s really, really about tax cuts for the wealthy. They hate them some entitlements. Republicans have been trying to undo entitlements…any entitlement…since the New Deal. Getting rid of any part of Medicaid would be a huge get for them.
I hope like heck that the political reality favors average Americans instead of McConnell and Company’s wet dreams.
This. Goldberg, he the poster child for Wingnut Welfare, can’t come out and say that. It’s the main reason why they can’t “tinker” with it: a) tinkering doesn’t deliver the tax cuts on the scale desired, and b) tinkering suggests improvement on the core mission of Obamacare.
The GOP isn’t interested in either because, well, see the above post.
I am sorry to have to point out that you contradict yourself in your second graf. Is it the tax cuts or is it the benefit cuts? Of course it is both; but the real mystery here is why they are not simply following Cheney’s Rule: “Deficits Don’t Matter”. In Reagan’s time, they knew how to do tax cuts: they printed the money. This would also follow Cheney’s Other Rule, which is cited in various forms but whose essence boils down to “Rules Were Made To Be Broken”.
They’ve screwed themselves forever with that reconciliation procedure.
This is why they have to cut Medicaid. As Willie Sutton said when they asked why he robbed banks, that’s where the money is.
I swear someone once said the senate could do away with the filibuster simply by a majority vote? They do it for judges, right?
Never mind. They can change the rules but choose to leave it alone.
Byrd Rule.
Implications.
I understand the way they are currently operating. But why can’t they simply negate the Byrd rule and base it all on simple majority? I have assumed they are keeping their powder dry in the event they need it one day, when the dems have control?
You ask a complicated question.
One thing they can’t do is simply blow off the Byrd Rule:
“The Byrd rule can only be waived by a 3/5 (60) majority vote of the Senate.”
However, they can blow off the parliamentarian.
Under the Byrd rule, the Senate is prohibited from considering extraneous matter as part of a reconciliation bill or resolution or conference report thereon. The definition of what constitutes “extraneous matter” is set forth in the Budget Act; however, the term remains subject to considerable interpretation by the presiding officer (who relies on the Senate Parliamentarian).
If they want to be real shitheels, they could introduce a measure that is a clear violation of the Byrd Rule and then just ignore the parliamentarian when he rules it out of bounds.
This would have be done over and over again if they were relying on several “extraneous matters” in order to buy off wavering senators.
In general, it probably would not be done for a host of reasons that I won’t get into here. But it’s possible.
Elizabeth MacDonough is the parliamentarian.
I wouldn’t be surprised if the bill is written in such a way that it forces MacDonough to rule against it. An excuse they can sell the rubes for their failure and a new victim for the two minutes hate.
Oops. Sorry. I think I knew they parliamentarian was a woman, but I had obviously forgotten.
They’ve so screwed their opportunity to work with the Democrats that they’re boxed in. But they’re getting very close to having to admit that their strategy of using two budget reconciliation bills in one year has failed.
And once it fails, they can do nothing without 60 votes, and they’ll never get them without making the kind of concessions that will bring down their leadership.
See: Cantor, Boehner.
Therefore, they may still try to blow off the parliamentarian. But they have all kinds of reasons not to want to do that, including that the Byrd Rule generally favors them and usually disadvantages Democrats.
Also, they still need 50 votes, so if they don’t have them for such a controversial move, it’s not even an option for them. And if senators don’t want this bill to pass, it’s not likely that they’ll want to blow up the comity, precedent and rules just to get a result they don’t want.
Now I am doubly confused. So it sounds like they can resort to 51 votes if they really, really want to. But that would screw them for the future. Given the bright shiny object of tax cuts, I find it hard to believe they would not use any trick to get it. I think that is what the repeal of Obamacare is all about in the end – tax cuts.
I recall somewhere in another life when they were working on the ACA and the public option, there was talk of this and of going to the simple majority. Some fella seemed to have all his ducks in a row and said it could be easily done. Guess not.
“I wish Eisenhower had been more hostile to the New Deal” could be the start of a whole series of Goldbergisms:
“I wish Reagan had been more hostile to Gorbachev.”
“I wish Johnson had been more hostile to the Civil Rights Movement.”
“I wish FDR had been more hostile to Churchill.”
“I wish Lincoln had been more hostile to abolitionism.”
There’s no honest intellectual policy discussion to be had about Republican political objectives.
If you’re not in the 1% it sucks to be you is not a winning political slogan, but when that’s what your political aims are any discussion that ignores that is dishonest.
It’s misdirection
-using bigotry dog whistles in the past, straight up racism, misogyny, and xenophobia presently
and bait and switch
– tax cuts will balance the budget and get the rich to create jobs
There are NO Republican policies that are even remotely concerned with the middle or working class, white or otherwise. The Democrats have no idea how to make that case and the media just can’t pull the Republican wool off of their eyes.
It’s a small, perhaps temporary victory, but I’m glad to hear that Rob Portman, Ohio’s Republican Senator, has issued a “no” vote on the bill. He cited Ohio’s devastating opioid epidemic as a reason, and the overwhelming reliance on Medicaid by Ohioans.
Governor John Kasich spoke to Portman recently and warned him that McConnell would wave a few billion dollars under his nose to get him to vote for the bill, and strongly suggested to him that losing coverage for a massive number of Ohioans would far outweigh that money.
I’m not kidding myself; the bill will be chewed on, massaged a bit, and then will pass, but at least there is a show of resistance. Maybe the state license plates can have a new motto: “Ohioans: We’re Not All Stupid”
It is all about the money for them, so, yes, I agree it will pass ultimately. Only then can they move on to more tax cuts. Trump is going to push very hard for that. Still, I can hope three of the senators can find reason to vote no.
Plus, you omitted that these kook-whisperers tend not to be all that bright, and seem downright proud of their lousy educations…
“You have to make so many caveats and create so many false equivalences just to gather the courage to open your mouth, and when you’re done you feel the need to disavow the implications of everything you’ve just said.”
In directly related news, Glenn Greenwald went on the Laura Ingraham radio show today show. These kindred spirits agree on how Democrats and the media need to stop persecuting Trump and other Republicans:
https://player.fm/series/the-laura-ingraham-show-podcast-podcast/glenn-greenwald-the-media-thinks-an
y-communication-with-russia-is-collusion-this-is-dangerous-for-our-foreign-policy
You think I’m kidding, but I’m not. Among the delights here: Glenn’s hot take on what we should be doing in Syria. Apparently, Assad is worthy of our support now.
Our brave commenters on the right side of the blog are also denying Assad launched a chemical attack in favor of Hersh’s narrative (lies) that a 500 lb bomb exploded on a Jihadist meeting releasing a chemical cloud of chlorine.
Thanks for that tip- hadn’t heard the latest defense of the truly wonderful Assad. I don’t think we should be involved in this no-longer-civil war in Syria, but those of us advocating for staying out need to deal with the muddy morality of the position, not pretend away every horribly immoral act the sides are engaging in, including Russia.
It’s also worth reading Scott Lemieux making sensible observations about an aspect of the situation:
“…The media makes lots of mistakes. I think this is important — indeed, I even think it’s a more urgent subject than the campaign tactics of someone who well never run for president again. But the idea that they’re all in one direction is silly. It’s just that when the media errs in a pro-Trump and/or anti-Clinton direction Glenn doesn’t give a shit.”
It’s just beyond parody. “Hersh’s story makes sense.” No, it fucking doesn’t. Why has the Russian/Syrian side of this argument repeatedly changed about what happened? Why are sole single anonymous source(s) treated with reverence in favor of ignoring the actual evidence? It makes sense why people like Max Blumenthal and Ben Norton take the line that they do: they’re paid by Russia. Taking money to fuel war crimes denial is disgusting. Doing it because your pride would take a hit? Even worse. Although blog commenters’ platforms are smaller so give or take who is actually worse here.
I’ll note the politically motivated hypocrisy of so-called leftists (doesn’t matter their true ideology, really) who credulously accept anonymous sources when they are forwarding incendiary charges by Hersh, or WikiLeaks, or the Intercept, or Jacobin, etc., but are massively resistant to accepting the word of anonymous sources reported in the Washington Post, ProPublica and other news sources who are trying to let the public know TRUMP IS SETTING THE HOUSE ON FIRE.